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Thursday, June 11, 2026
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2026 FCV Strategy Comment


Sound Strategy, Broken Platform  ·  An Assessment of the WBG FCV Strategy 2026–2030  ·  MDB Reform Platform

The new strategy makes jobs its organizing principle — “the issue on which we can contribute most.” It assigns delivery to the Global Practices with the weakest record in exactly the countries it targets, and adopts a jobs agenda without a jobs metric.

How to Read This Assessment — The Benchmark and the Question

The benchmark is S+ (Satisfactory or above) — the threshold IFC, MIGA, AIIB, ADB, and the EIB all apply to their own portfolios. IEG’s own scale defines Moderately Satisfactory as achieving most objectives but with significant shortcomings — explicitly below Satisfactory. IDA’s lending arm is the only development finance institution in this comparison using Moderately Satisfactory or above (MS+) as its corporate benchmark. The gap between the two standards is 35–50 percentage points across key portfolios, and it is what makes a portfolio of zero-Satisfactory country–sector combinations — the “Zero Club” — invisible in headline reporting.

The question is operational, not strategic. The strategy’s diagnosis is sound and several of its elements are genuine advances. This assessment does not contest the theme. It asks a narrower question the strategy does not answer: the new strategy makes jobs the centre of its mandate — so who will deliver the jobs, through which vehicles, and what is the record in those vehicles in the countries the strategy is for?

Bottom Line

The 2026–2030 FCV Strategy is well-constructed, and its forward-looking classification, trajectory-shifting-actions concept, and IFC-reform candour are genuine advances. But it places its central bet — jobs — on the part of the delivery machinery with the weakest history. In the six Global Practices on which every jobs agenda depends, 77.6 percent of FCS commitments are below Satisfactory. Finance, Competitiveness & Innovation — the Global Practice whose mandate is private-sector jobs — runs 22.6 percent Satisfactory. IFC’s investment-outcome rate in fragile states is 11 percent. The strategy proposes to scale exactly these vehicles.

Ghana is the emblem: 14 FCI projects, $615 million, 27 years, zero rated Satisfactory — a portfolio of projects titled “Enterprise Development” and “Competitiveness and Job Creation” whose monitoring systems rarely tracked employment. The jobs machine did not measure whether it created jobs. The new strategy carries the same gap forward: its institutional outcome for MSME jobs has an indicator “to be determined based on the forthcoming MSME Strategy.” A jobs strategy, adopted without a jobs metric.

Unbundled against its 2020 predecessor, the strategy changed its organizing principle and its country classification while inheriting the 2020 delivery apparatus intact — RRAs, the FCV Envelope, the IDA21 allocation framework, the CPF cycle. It concedes, in its own words, that the last strategy failed to translate ambition into outcomes — then proposes the same machinery, with accountability tracked through whether country strategies mention the right concepts rather than whether projects work. The outcome-level IEG evaluation of the 2020 strategy does not report until FY2027 — after this one is in force.

77.6%Below Satisfactory in the six jobs-critical Global Practices, FCS. The sectors the jobs agenda depends on record the portfolio’s weakest outcomes.
22.6%S+ for Finance, Competitiveness & Innovation — the GP whose mandate is private-sector jobs. 14 countries at zero Satisfactory.
11%IFC investment-outcome rate in fragile states (CY2020–22). The private-sector engine the strategy relies on most is running coldest.
0%Ghana FCI: 14 projects, $615M, 27 years, zero Satisfactory. The jobs machine that did not create — or measure — jobs.
📄
Full Assessment — Sound Strategy, Broken Platform (PDF) The delivery record (FY2015–2026). The jobs vehicles and their Zero Club record. The 2020-vs-2026 unbundling. The Reform Test (equilibrium absorption). Six questions the strategy must answer. Recommendations. Annexes: the S+ benchmark; the cost of the delivery gap; the institutional equilibrium; Board governance; what IEG checks; the jobs Global Practices and the Zero Club.
↓  Download Full Assessment (PDF)

The Strategy’s Bet: Jobs

The 2026–2030 FCV Strategy reorganises the World Bank Group’s engagement in fragile settings around a single organizing principle: jobs. “Jobs are where we have the clearest mandate and the strongest comparative advantage,” the Group states. The strategy anchors job creation in five sectors — infrastructure and energy, agribusiness, primary healthcare, tourism, and value-added manufacturing — delivered through a three-pillar approach (foundations; business-enabling reforms; financing and capabilities) and, above all, through MSMEs and the domestic private sector, “the backbone of employment in many FCV economies.”

This is a real reorientation of posture, and it is directionally sound. The question this assessment puts is the operational one the document leaves unanswered: the vehicles through which jobs will be delivered are nameable — and so is their record in the countries the strategy targets.

Who Will Deliver? The Vehicles and Their Record

The strategy delivers the jobs agenda through MSMEs and the private sector (IFC and MIGA, pending the forthcoming MSME Strategy and IFC 2030) and through corporate flagship initiatives, each of which maps to a Global Practice. Set each vehicle against the Zero Club record of its Global Practice in Sub-Saharan Africa — countries with two or more evaluated projects and zero percent Satisfactory — and the pattern is consistent.

Jobs vehicle in the strategyGlobal PracticeZero Club reach (Sub-Saharan Africa)
MSMEs / domestic private sectorFinance, Competitiveness & Innovation14 countries, 55 projects, $1.7bn at 0% · GP-wide 22.6% S+
DPF-led reform for jobsMacroeconomics, Trade & Investment13 countries, 97 projects, $10.4bn at 0% · MTI/DPO 19.5% S+
M300 — energy accessEnergy & Extractives10 countries, 36 projects, $11.4bn at 0%
Education & Skills StrategyEducation10 countries, 33 projects, $2.5bn at 0%
1.5bn health targetHealth, Nutrition & Population14 countries, 55 projects, $3.0bn at 0%
AgriConnect — farmer transitionAgriculture & Food4 countries, 14 projects, $0.9bn at 0%
SP500 — social protection / jobsSocial Protection & Jobs3 countries, 8 projects, $0.2bn at 0%

Source: mdbreform.com, The Zero Club — Cross-Sector Synthesis (3,020 evaluated SSA projects, IEG ICRR/PPAR master database, March 2026). Descriptive, not causal.

The S+ rate by jobs vehicle — and the instrument the strategy does not default to

Satisfactory (S+) rate by jobs delivery vehicle, Sub-Saharan Africa
PforR (not the FCS default)
61.1%
FCI — private-sector jobs GP
22.6%
Six jobs-critical GPs (FCS)
22.4%
MTI / DPOs (reform for jobs)
19.5%
IFC FCS investment outcomes
11.0%
Transport (the foundation)
10.8%

PforR — the one instrument that forces measurable results before disbursement — is mentioned once and is not the FCS default. The vehicles the strategy scales are the ones below it.

The private-sector engine the strategy relies on most is the one running coldest. IFC’s investment-outcome rate in fragile states reached 11 percent (CY2020–22); additionality was realised in roughly a third of FCS projects; the IDA18 Private Sector Window deployed $2.5 billion without producing a net increase in IFC’s FCS commitments. The strategy proposes to scale precisely this engine, while conceding in its own text that engagement “has remained constrained” and that the Bank “did not meet expectations of impact when engaging with the private sector” (p.19). Scaling a vehicle does not change its conversion rate.

THE DELIVERY-VEHICLE FINDING: Every Global Practice the strategy assigns the jobs agenda to — FCI, MTI, Energy, Education, Health, Agriculture, SPJ — has a Zero Club in Sub-Saharan Africa. The six jobs-critical GPs run 77.6 percent below Satisfactory in FCS. FCI, whose mandate is private-sector jobs, runs 22.6 percent S+. IFC’s FCS investment-outcome rate is 11 percent. The strategy proposes to scale these vehicles without changing what determines whether they deliver.

Ghana: The Jobs Machine That Did Not Create — or Measure — Jobs

Ghana FCI is the case the jobs agenda has to answer. Fourteen Finance, Competitiveness & Innovation projects over twenty-seven years (FY1997–FY2024), $615 million committed, zero rated Satisfactory — five Moderately Satisfactory, five Moderately Unsatisfactory, four Unsatisfactory. The entire upper half of the rating scale is empty. The projects carried titles explicitly oriented toward employment — ‘Enterprise Development,’ ‘Private Sector Development,’ ‘Competitiveness and Job Creation.’ Across a sector whose mandate is jobs, IEG’s evaluations rarely record employment outcomes, because monitoring systems rarely tracked them. The jobs machine did not measure whether it created jobs.

“It is quite possible that the same results could have been achieved without the project.” — IEG ICRR, Ghana PPP Project (P125595). The Bank’s own evaluator, on the most recent of the fourteen failures.

The successor is the same instrument at larger scale. The FY22–26 Country Partnership Framework reflects genuinely more sophisticated diagnostic thinking. The operational response is a $500 million Market Access and Connectivity Project led by the Ministry of Roads and Highways — the same large, sovereign-led, government-implemented, sovereign-guaranteed instrument that produced the 27-year record. The Sub-Saharan transport portfolio it joins returns 10.8 percent Satisfactory across 65 projects and $11.2 billion, with 96 percent of resources below the S+ threshold. Ghana’s disbursement ratio collapsed to 2.81 percent in FY2026. Diagnostic learning has not been matched by operational learning.

THE MEASUREMENT FINDING: Ghana’s jobs machine failed to measure jobs. The 2026 Strategy institutionalises the same gap: its institutional outcome for jobs — “the WBG has adjusted its operating model to support domestic MSMEs” — carries the indicator “to be determined based on the forthcoming MSME Strategy’s results framework.” The strategy is organised around jobs and adopted without a metric for whether jobs are created.

2020 versus 2026: What Changed, What Was Inherited

Measured against the document it replaces, the strategy’s genuine change is the organizing principle, not the diagnosis. It states plainly that it “builds on the conceptual framework… developed for the 2020–2025 WBG FCV Strategy” (p.21). The diagnosis is preserved; the frame around it has shifted from the conflict spectrum to employment — and the delivery apparatus has not shifted at all.

Dimension2020–2025 Strategy2026–2030 Strategy
Organizing logicConflict spectrum: prevent, stay engaged, transition, mitigate spilloversJobs agenda: jobs as the issue on which the WBG can contribute most
Core structureFour pillars + Four Ps; 23 operational measuresFour strategic shifts; 24 key actions; 10 institutional outcomes
ClassificationBackward-looking FCS list (prior-year CPIA + fatalities)Forward-looking FCV typology (genuine advance)
Delivery apparatusRRAs; FCV Envelope; CPF/ABPE cycle; TPI; IDA allocation frameworkSame — carried over intact; TPI expanded to NGOs
AccountabilityAnnual reporting; MTR; IEG evaluationIdentical architecture; document-content indicators

The new classification is the clearest advance — but its forward-looking element is removed from public view. The public “FCV List” remains keyed to violence already materialised (subnational events / fatalities, p.23), while the genuinely forward-looking “countries at risk” identification is held confidential to avoid a “self-fulfilling prophecy” (p.25). The publicly accountable artifact stays substantially backward-looking; the forward-looking apparatus sits inside the confidential Enterprise Risk Committee process, beyond external scrutiny.

The document is unusually candid about its predecessor — and that candour is the opening. It concedes that the 2020 design “lacked key components for translating aspirations into operational outcomes,” that portfolios “still show limited adaptation,” that strategies “rarely track outcomes related to fragility,” and that the Bank “did not meet expectations of impact when engaging with the private sector” (p.19) — and then leaves each concession substantially unaddressed in its operational design.

THE 2020 → 2026 FINDING: The WBG changed its organizing principle and its country classification, and inherited the 2020 delivery apparatus intact. It concedes the predecessor failed to translate ambition into outcomes — then proposes the same machinery, with accountability tracked through document-content indicators rather than outcome rates. The outcome-level IEG evaluation of the 2020 Strategy does not report until FY2027, after this strategy is in force. A third strategy cycle is being built on a process-level reading of a predecessor whose results have not yet been evaluated.

What Would Change: The Bank Already Knows, Where It Succeeds

The portfolio is not uniformly zero, and the exceptions are legible. The same dataset that produces the Zero Club also shows where the Bank escapes it — and the escape conditions are consistent across very different countries.

Where the Bank escapesWhat explains it
Rwanda — 94% transport, 96% energy, 75% educationState discipline; Imihigo performance contracts; governance established before financing scaled
Somalia — 89% MTI, in an acute-crisis settingExternal / third-party implementation; bounded, deliverable objectives
Niger — 100% Water, against 0% MTI ($1.65bn)Focused infrastructure with single-institution delivery vs. broad DPF conditionality — same country
Cameroon — 80% transport, against 0% health & educationRoads Fund provides single-institution discipline; cross-ministry sectors do not

Across every escape case the conditions are the same: focused objectives, accountability at the delivery level, and design matched to demonstrated capacity rather than to ambition. The Ghana study reaches the same conclusion from the failure side — build enabling systems rather than transformation projects; radical simplification; geographic concentration; implementation-readiness thresholds before large operations; mandatory lessons-learned gates; measure employment, firm creation, and productivity; finance continuity rather than episodes. None of these is operationalised as a gate in the 2026 Strategy. The differentiated approach gestures toward selectivity and TPI expansion gestures toward delivery-level implementation, but neither is made a condition on jobs lending — and the strategy explicitly forecloses binding conditionality (p.28).

THE ESCAPE FINDING: The Bank already knows what delivery requires, because it is what distinguishes Rwanda, Somalia, Niger’s water portfolio, and Cameroon’s roads from the Zero Club — focused objectives, delivery-level accountability, design matched to capacity. The strategy declines to make any of it a condition on jobs lending.

What We Propose: Seven Recommendations

The recommendations are institutional, not strategic. They do not ask for another revision of the theme — the theme is sound. They target the payoff structure, the only level at which the delivery record changes. They are listed in priority order, with what each requires. The first four can be set in motion at strategy launch and in IDA21’s first year; the last three reach the structural parameters that only the Governors can alter.

#RecommendationRequires
1Restore independent quality assurance at appraisal. An independent review function, external to the preparing unit, with authority to flag inadequately designed projects and prevent Board presentation. QAG was disbanded in 2014 and never replaced; a hard QAE threshold below which projects cannot proceed is the minimum version.Board directive
2Declare the delivery baseline and a measurable jobs target. Declare the 74% below-Satisfactory FCS rate as the baseline, and adopt at launch an employment / firm-creation / productivity metric for the jobs agenda. A jobs strategy without a jobs metric repeats the Ghana failure at institutional scale.Management
3Make jobs lending pass a design-to-capacity gate. Require every FCS jobs operation to meet the conditions the Bank already demonstrates where it succeeds — focused objectives, delivery-level accountability (including TPI where government capacity is absent), design matched to demonstrated capacity. Operations that cannot meet the gate are redesigned, not approved.Management / Board
4Make PforR the presumptive FCS instrument. PforR achieves 61.1% S+ in Africa and 65.4% QAE-Satisfactory because its structure forces measurable objectives and verified results before disbursement. DPF and IPF should require specific justification for use in FCS, not the reverse.Management
5Link career outcomes to IEG outcome ratings. Country Director appointment and promotion criteria should incorporate IEG outcome ratings from previous tenures — targeting the MTI career pipeline that enforces the approval culture, without a governance restructuring.Board directive
6Implement the Zedillo Commission’s 2009 Board-governance recommendation. A non-resident Board that approves strategy and delegates project approval to management can scrutinise outcomes without implicating prior approvals. The co-approval architecture is why the Board cannot hold management accountable for the aggregate record.Governors only
7Introduce outcome-linked pricing on FCS operations. Service-charge adjustments where IEG documents below-Satisfactory outcomes attributable primarily to Bank design decisions — giving the institution a financial stake in whether its FCS operations work for the first time in 82 years. Targets the sovereign guarantee that decouples institutional payoff from outcomes.Governors only
THE REFORM FINDING: The four within-system reforms — an independent appraisal gate, a declared baseline with a jobs metric, a design-to-capacity gate on jobs lending, and PforR as the FCS default — can be set in motion now and would change the delivery record without a governance restructuring. But they cannot be made durable by management, whose dominant strategy is to preserve the equilibrium, nor imposed by a Board that has co-approved every project in the record. The structural parameters — the sovereign guarantee, the co-approval architecture, the career pipeline — can only be altered by the Governors, the one set of actors whose payoffs are not defined by the approval culture they are being asked to disrupt.

Series Context

The Zero Club — Cross-Sector Synthesis

43 countries, 14 Global Practices, 419 projects, $34.5bn, zero Satisfactory. Every jobs Global Practice the strategy relies on appears in it. The outcome the jobs agenda inherits.

Ghana: FCI and the Jobs Agenda

14 projects, $615M, 27 years, zero Satisfactory. The jobs machine that did not create — or measure — jobs. The emblem of the delivery gap the strategy does not close.

Quality at Entry in IDA

The recovery rate from poor design was 10.7% in the 1980s. It is 0.0% today. Once a poorly designed project is approved, failure is near-certain. The strategy contains no mechanism that prevents approval.

Why the System Does Not Learn

The approval culture is a Nash equilibrium. Reforms within the existing payoff structure are absorbed. The 2026 Strategy is what that equilibrium produces under reform pressure. Only Governors can change the parameters.

Companion paperScopeS+ RateStatus
Zero Club — Cross-Sector Synthesis$34.5bn, 43 countries, 14 GPs0%Published
Ghana: FCI and the Jobs Agenda$615M, 14 projects, 27 years0%Published
The Transport Record$11.2bn, 65 projects10.8%Published
The FCI Sector Record$4.4bn, 67 projects36%Published
Sound Strategy, Broken Platform (this assessment)FCV Strategy 2026–2030FCS: 74% below S+This paper
📄
Full Assessment — Sound Strategy, Broken Platform (PDF) The complete assessment: delivery record, the jobs vehicles and their Zero Club record, the 2020-vs-2026 unbundling, the Reform Test, six questions, recommendations, and the supporting annexes.
↓  Download Full Assessment (PDF)
The Bottom Line

The strategy is sound. The platform is not. The diagnosis is correct, the classification is better, and the candour about the predecessor is real. But the strategy makes jobs its organizing principle and assigns delivery to the Global Practices with the weakest record — in the countries the strategy is for — and adopts that agenda without a jobs metric. It inherits the 2020 delivery apparatus intact and relocates accountability from outcome rates to whether country strategies use the right words.

The Bank already knows what delivery requires, because it is what separates the cases where it succeeds from the Zero Club: focused objectives, accountability at the delivery level, and design matched to demonstrated capacity. The strategy declines to make any of it a condition on jobs lending, and explicitly forecloses binding conditionality. The reforms that would change this target the payoff structure — an independent quality gate at appraisal, a declared baseline with a measurable jobs target, a design-to-capacity gate on jobs lending, and outcome-linked incentives.

None of these can be implemented by management, whose dominant strategy is to preserve the equilibrium, nor by a Board that has co-approved every project in the record. They require Governors — the only actors whose payoffs are not defined by the approval culture they are being asked to disrupt. A third generation of sound analysis applied to the same unreformed delivery machinery will produce a third generation of the same results.


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